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WASHINGTON -- When the jampacked crowd is good and warmed
up, when it's after midnight and the band is smokin' and the
very air is throbbing and those women lawyers from downtown
start dancing and writhing on the bar top, that's when Bill
Duggan feels he's burst loose from the storied Washington,
the inside-the-Beltway fantasyland of politicians and
monuments.
"This is a real bar in a town where not much is
real," shouts Duggan, who owns the popular nightspot
Madam's Organ.
Madam's, in the pulsing Latino-counterculture neighborhood
of Adams Morgan, is not far from the marble and
mahogany-paneled halls of official Washington. Not far from,
say, the Senate Armed Services Committee or the East Room.
Not far from "Meet the Press," from the
campaign-financed, solemn-occasioned, issues-oriented,
lobbyist-greased, photo-op'd national Capitol.
Not far. A mile, maybe. Light-years.
But there is a real Washington, even if it becomes less
visible as the presidential inaugural sweeps into town this
week.
That real Washington sprawls outside the surprisingly small
enclave where Washington's official business -- politics,
governance and tourism -- is conducted. President Bush will
be driven in his limousine Saturday along the axis of this
enclave, Pennsylvania Avenue from the Capitol to the White
House, a distance of 1.7 miles.
Most government offices lie within a few blocks of the
parade route. So do the monuments, the offices of lobbyists
and lawyers, the grand hotels, the expense-account
restaurants.
In the 60-odd square miles beyond, wedged between Maryland
and the Potomac River, is the real Washington, a place where
kids struggle through homework, where people fall in and out
of love, wash the car, lug home groceries, fret about those
dang Redskins, take out the trash. An ordinary place of
ordinary people.
It's a race-conscious place, a majority-black town where
whites have always held the real power and where the degree
of de facto racial segregation is startling to outsiders.
With just over 600,000 people, Washington's about the size
of Boston, El Paso or Memphis. About 60 percent of
Washingtonians are African-American, 30 percent are white, 7
percent Hispanic, according to the latest available U.S.
census figures.
Whites who live in the district cluster mostly in the
northwest quadrant of the city. Blacks congregate in the
northeast and southeast. The two are separated by Rock Creek
Park.
"The fact of there being two Washingtons is a striking
difference that I wasn't prepared for," said Joseph
Carrillo, who came two years ago from California as a policy
planner for the District of Columbia schools. "I don't
say it's segregated per se, but it breaks along ethnicity
and socioeconomic lines that are visible in restaurants and
everywhere you go."
Paul Magno, director of the Father McKenna Center for
homeless men, used to marvel, as he rode the P Street bus
across town, at how the faces changed as the bus chugged
east. "Past 16th Street and then 14th Street, there
were no white faces left on board," he said.
Some 190,000 people work for the federal government in the
district. Thousands of permanent, civil service federal
workers, many of them black, crowd the sidewalks and subway
stations at 5 p.m. en route home. The mostly white
politicians, lobbyists and journalists who comprise Official
Washington come to work later and stay until early evening,
when they leave their offices to the largely Latino force of
building cleaners.
Official Washington motors home weekday evenings in streams
of Mercedes and BMWs that crawl away from Pennsylvania
Avenue north to the Maryland suburbs and west toward
Virginia. Some do stop in the district, in neighborhoods
like Spring Valley and Palisades where home prices are
figured in increments of $1 million.
Poor black neighborhoods have mostly relied on public buses.
The D.C. subway system, which opened 25 years ago, was built
to carry passengers between downtown and the mostly white
suburbs in Maryland and Virginia. Not until this month did
the last stations open along the line that links black
neighborhoods in the far southeast to the job-rich downtown
area.
"I've always been very conscious of there being two
Washingtons. There's the Washington of power suits and
power, and the Washington that's not white and not powerful
and doesn't have a suit to wear," said Magno, a lay
Jesuit social activist.
"It's easy for a person living in Washington to go
through life without ever going through the other
Washington," he said. "On either side."
That makes Washington a city of neighborhoods.
"If you're a black person and live here all your life,
this really is a small town -- Chocolate City," said
Connie Hoffman, a retired elementary school teacher who
lives in a quiet neighborhood of big trees and well-kept
homes in the southeast quadrant.
She insists, with a mischievously twinkling eye, that the
term is not considered derogatory.
Chocolate City or not, the district is an unusual place.
Washington's Yellow Pages boast 249 caterers, 172 limousine
services, 86 pages of lawyers, 11 pages of escort services.
They serve the federal enclave. The Yellow Pages lists not
one bowling alley in the district.
When a world-famous television newsman sets up on the
sidewalk with his crew for a live stand-up, pedestrians push
past without a glance. Not even kids bother to get into
camera range and make monkey faces.
This is a city where only tourists watch when a
multi-limousine motorcade screams past with flags and
motorcycle outriders. Bush? One of the Clintons? The sultan
of Brunei? Naw, just a noisy nuisance.
It is both the nation's capital and a place of uncertain
stature. Not a state. When the telephone
directory-assistance robot asks, "What city and
state?" you have to answer, "Washington -- no
state." A frustrated hotel reservations clerk in New
Mexico says, "Yes, I know it's Washington, D.C., but
what STATE?"
Known and perhaps scorned outside the Beltway as a city of
serious policy wonks, Washington "is a town with real
soul," insists Mark Wenner, leader of a local blues and
rockabilly band, the Nighthawks.
Duke Ellington grew up and performed on the district's U
Street. Ramsey Lewis recorded "The In Crowd" in a
U Street club, the Bohemian Caverns. Live music --
bluegrass, blues, Irish folk, classical and jazz -- resounds
through the real Washington every night.
"People think of Washington as a couple of government
buildings and monuments, people with their little suits on
with their little briefcases," Wenner said. "They
don't think of real people living here."
Connie and Gil Hoffman, for instance. Born and raised in
large D.C. families, they met at Washington Teachers
College. In 1964 they bought their five-bedroom, brick ranch
house in Southeast. They raised four children there. Along
the way, Connie earned a master's degree and Gil a doctorate
in child and developmental psychology. He retired in 1991 as
deputy superintendent of the district's public schools.
Many whites in the district view "Southeast,"
where the Hoffmans live, as a dangerous, ruined ghetto of
drugs and murder. Said Gil, "That's like people in
Europe thinking America is all cowboys and Indians -- it
just comes out of ignorance."
Like many solidly middle-class African-Americans here, Gil
Hoffman has a clear but not violently angry view of how the
city really works.
Washington "is a city run by and for whites," he
said. "They take every opportunity to support their
contention that we're not capable of governing
ourselves."
At the other end of the district, Brendan Sullivan and his
younger brother Teddy grew up in the exclusive Spring Valley
neighborhood in Northwest, attended private Episcopal
schools in the shadow of the National Cathedral, and hardly
ever ventured east of Rock Creek Park. Their father is a
well-connected Washington lawyer who defended Oliver North
in 1987 congressional hearings.
"The places we travel tend to be very, very
white," said Brendan, 26. Growing up in Spring Valley,
he added, "You'd really have no idea of the racial
makeup of this city."
One other reality makes the real Washington a unique place.
The Constitution gives Congress the "exclusive"
right to govern the district. That means, in effect, that
while residents pay full federal taxes -- about $2 billion a
year -- they have no representatives or senators in
Congress. Consequently, the advice to "Write your
congressman" evokes a sour response among
Washingtonians.
Mayor Anthony Williams likes to say that in America,
"Only three types of people are denied voting rights:
children, criminals and citizens of the District of
Columbia."
With 42 percent of its real property owned by the federal
government or other tax-exempt organizations, the district
is chronically strapped for income. Congress does chip in,
this year allotting $445 million. In return, it controls the
city's budget, and more. Congressional Republicans, for
example, recently decreed that the city could not fund any
needle-exchange program designed to prevent the spread of
HIV.
Congress, prodded by Rep. Bob Barr, a conservative Georgia
Republican, also confiscated and sealed the results of a
recent nonbinding referendum on the medical use of
marijuana.
"I call Washington the last colony," said local
political commentator Mark Plotkin.
The most recent effort to extend full voting rights to D.C.
residents ended last October when the U.S. Supreme Court,
without hearing any arguments, dismissed without comment an
appeal of a lower court ruling.
Mayor Williams recently authorized the slogan "Taxation
Without Representation" to appear on D.C. license tags
as an alternative to the current tourist slogan,
"Celebrate & Discover." President Clinton
ordered the White House limousine to carry the new plates;
it's unclear whether Bush will continue the practice.
But it's a mystery why the real Washington hasn't taken more
forceful steps to protest its political status, the way
that, for instance, the original American colonists dumped
tea and then mounted armed rebellion against "taxation
without representation."
"I've lived here for 36 years and I'm still trying to
explain it to myself," Plotkin said.
Perhaps the longtime Washington politician Walter Fauntroy
had it right when he once quipped that Washington suffers
from the four too's: too liberal, too urban, too Democratic
and too black.
One of Washington's premier power brokers, superlobbyist
Thomas Hale Boggs, was recently asked to explain why
Washington, the capital of the world's most successful
democracy, has never achieved full democracy.
"Well, there was the image problem," he said.
That's shorthand for the years when Washington's wildly
controversial four-term mayor, Marion Barry, held power.
Barry was a tireless champion for African-Americans and for
D.C. political rights. He was arrested in an FBI sting
operation in January 1990 for cocaine possession and served
six months in prison before being elected again in 1994 for
a final term.
Beyond that, Boggs dismissed the question.
"It's not that big of a city," he said.
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